Philadelphia in the world war, 1914-1919
Hel-Jac  IX. Jac-Koe  X. Koe-Luc  XI. Luc-Mec  XII. Nes-Pok  XIV. Pok-Ros  XV. Ros-Sha  XVI. Tys-Wil  XIX.
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Wil-Zwy  XX. Aab-Lau  XXI. Addenda . Bibliographic information. Beginning date Ending date Note Compiled under the direction of the governor, the secretary of state, and the adjutant general, vol. I-XXI also the military registrar, vol. I-XIX include roster of soldiers, vol.
Why Germany Wants Peace
XX-XXI, sailors, and vol. XXII, marines. Australia had a form of conscription at the outbreak of the war, as compulsory military training had been introduced in However, the Defence Act provided that unexempted males could be called upon only for home defence during times of war, not overseas service. Prime Minister Billy Hughes wished to amend the legislation to require conscripts to serve overseas, and held two non-binding referendums — one in and one in — in order to secure public support. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party, forming the National Labor Party and then the Nationalist Party.
Despite the referendum results, the Nationalists won a landslide victory at the federal election. In Britain, conscription resulted in the calling up of nearly every physically fit man in Britain—six of ten million eligible. Of these, about , lost their lives. Most deaths were those of young unmarried men; however, , wives lost husbands and , children lost fathers. The act specified that single men aged 18 to 40 years old were liable to be called up for military service unless they were widowed with children or ministers of a religion.
There was a system of Military Service Tribunals to adjudicate upon claims for exemption upon the grounds of performing civilian work of national importance, domestic hardship, health, and conscientious objection. The law went through several changes before the war ended. Married men were exempt in the original Act, although this was changed in June The age limit was also eventually raised to 51 years old.
THE FIRST WORLD WAR: Series One: European War, Part 9
Recognition of work of national importance also diminished, and in the last year of the war there was some support for the conscription of clergy. Due to the political situation in Ireland, conscription was never applied there; only in England , Scotland and Wales. In the United States, conscription began in and was generally well received, with a few pockets of opposition in isolated rural areas. The draft was universal and included blacks on the same terms as whites, although they served in different units.
Forms of resistance ranged from peaceful protest to violent demonstrations and from humble letter-writing campaigns asking for mercy to radical newspapers demanding reform.
World War I Pamphlet Collection, 1901-1944 (bulk 1914-1919)
The most common tactics were dodging and desertion, and many communities sheltered and defended their draft dodgers as political heroes. Many socialists were jailed for "obstructing the recruitment or enlistment service". The most famous was Eugene Debs, head of the Socialist Party of America, who ran for president in from his prison cell.
In a number of radicals and anarchists challenged the new draft law in federal court, arguing that it was a direct violation of the Thirteenth Amendment's prohibition against slavery and involuntary servitude. Like all the armies of mainland Europe, Austria-Hungary relied on conscription to fill its ranks. Officer recruitment, however, was voluntary.
This was much resented.
The army has been described as being "run on colonial lines" and the Slav soldiers as "disaffected". Thus conscription contributed greatly to Austria's disastrous performance on the battlefield. The non-military diplomatic and propaganda interactions among the nations were designed to build support for the cause, or to undermine support for the enemy. For the most part, wartime diplomacy focused on five issues: propaganda campaigns ; defining and redefining the war goals, which became harsher as the war went on; luring neutral nations Italy, Ottoman Empire, Bulgaria, Romania into the coalition by offering slices of enemy territory; and encouragement by the Allies of nationalistic minority movements inside the Central Powers, especially among Czechs, Poles, and Arabs.
In addition, there were multiple peace proposals coming from neutrals, or one side or the other; none of them progressed very far.
The War was an unprecedented triumph for natural science. This triumph paved the way to other triumphs: improvements in transport, in sanitation, in surgery, medicine, and psychiatry, in commerce and industry, and, above all, in preparations for the next war. The first tentative efforts to comprehend the meaning and consequences of modern warfare began during the initial phases of the war, and this process continued throughout and after the end of hostilities, and is still underway, more than a century later.
Historian Heather Jones argues that the historiography has been reinvigorated by the cultural turn in recent years. Scholars have raised entirely new questions regarding military occupation, radicalisation of politics, race, and the male body. Furthermore, new research has revised our understanding of five major topics that historians have long debated: Why the war began, why the Allies won, whether generals were responsible for high casualty rates, how the soldiers endured the horrors of trench warfare, and to what extent the civilian homefront accepted and endorsed the war effort.
Memorials were erected in thousands of villages and towns. Many of these graveyards also have central monuments to the missing or unidentified dead, such as the Menin Gate memorial and the Thiepval Memorial to the Missing of the Somme. The UK Government has budgeted substantial resources to the commemoration of the war during the period to The lead body is the Imperial War Museum. World War I had a lasting impact on social memory. It was seen by many in Britain as signalling the end of an era of stability stretching back to the Victorian period , and across Europe many regarded it as a watershed.
A generation of innocent young men, their heads full of high abstractions like Honour, Glory and England, went off to war to make the world safe for democracy. They were slaughtered in stupid battles planned by stupid generals. Those who survived were shocked, disillusioned and embittered by their war experiences, and saw that their real enemies were not the Germans, but the old men at home who had lied to them.
They rejected the values of the society that had sent them to war, and in doing so separated their own generation from the past and from their cultural inheritance. This has become the most common perception of World War I, perpetuated by the art, cinema, poems, and stories published subsequently. These beliefs did not become widely shared because they offered the only accurate interpretation of wartime events. In every respect, the war was much more complicated than they suggest. It has been pointed out that, although the losses were devastating, their greatest impact was socially and geographically limited.
The many emotions other than horror experienced by soldiers in and out of the front line, including comradeship, boredom, and even enjoyment, have been recognised. The war is not now seen as a 'fight about nothing', but as a war of ideals, a struggle between aggressive militarism and more or less liberal democracy.
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It has been acknowledged that British generals were often capable men facing difficult challenges, and that it was under their command that the British army played a major part in the defeat of the Germans in a great forgotten victory. Though these views have been discounted as "myths",   they are common. They have dynamically changed according to contemporary influences, reflecting in the s perceptions of the war as "aimless" following the contrasting Second World War and emphasising conflict within the ranks during times of class conflict in the s.
The majority of additions to the contrary are often rejected. The social trauma caused by unprecedented rates of casualties manifested itself in different ways, which have been the subject of subsequent historical debate. Though many participants did not share in the experiences of combat or spend any significant time at the front, or had positive memories of their service, the images of suffering and trauma became the widely shared perception.
Such historians as Dan Todman, Paul Fussell , and Samuel Heyns have all published works since the s arguing that these common perceptions of the war are factually incorrect.